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Scary Things That Look Like Donald Trump

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Since announcing his run for presidency Donald Trump has been taking over headlines everywhere. From getting fired by NBC after some Anti-Mexican comments to his well just plain old nutzo philosophies. While this may not be a popular opinion it’s clear to me that Donald Trumps from for president will go down as one of the craziest and funniest things to happen to politics in the last decade. After searching the web for Donald Trump look a likes I came across a large amount of items that look just like Donald Trump, from a piece of corn to a Troll Doll here is my list of things that look just like our possibly soon to be president.

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1 Comment

1 Comment

  1. Mr Housewives

    July 24, 2015 at 5:57 pm

    lmao i may have wet myself looking through these pictures!

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Are ‘moderate’ senators gullible enough to count on a promise from McConnell to end Trump Shutdown?

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Are ‘moderate’ senators gullible enough to count on a promise from McConnell to end Trump Shutdown?

Yeah, we’ve been here before

A bipartisan group of “moderates” of the Senate have a proposal to break the impasse in the Senate on immigration and the Trump Shutdown. Central to is is “a commitment for a separate vote on legislation to put into law a program that protects from deportation some of the undocumented immigrants brought to the U.S. as children.” Because we all know what Mitch McConnell’s commitments are worth.

As the meeting finished, Democratic Senators Chris Coons and Joe Manchin said they were going to take the proposal to Chuck Schumer, the party’s leader in the Senate, while Republican members of the of the group were headed to meet with Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell.

“We recognize that ultimately the decision” will be up to McConnell and Schumer, Republican Senator Susan Collins said.

Republican Senator Lindsey Graham said that if McConnell makes a commitment to bring up immigration legislation there probably will be enough votes to extend government funding through Feb. 8

Dick Durbin, the second-ranking Democrat in the Senate, called their plan “constructive.”

“They are anxious to find a solution and I’m hopeful,” Durbin said. “If enough Republicans join them, they could be a force to bring this to the right ending.”

Except for the part where they have to rely on McConnell and Trump. Sens. Susan Collins (R-ME) and Jeff Flake (R-AZ), along with Graham, have been key in pushing this. And they’d better be asking for more than just a promise from McConnell because they were so recently duped by him on the tax bill. Remember that? When Collins and Flake traded their tax bill votes for “written assurances” that McConnell would really bring up Obamacare stabilization bill and immigration reform. Collins is in the delegation presenting the plan to McConnell. If she comes out that meeting with no vote scheduled but a “promise” from McConnell that he’ll get to that right away, everyone should remember the tax bill.

Meanwhile, Graham says he’s been in touch with House Speaker Paul Ryan, who told him “don’t bind the House” on immigration. That would be the same Ryan sent a spending bill over the Senate, written basically by the Freedom Caucus, that he knew could not pass the Senate. Since McConnell refuses to do to Ryan what Ryan did to him—stick him with a bill he can’t pass with just Republican votes—a breakthrough now seems unlikely.

As it stands, the Senate is scheduled to vote at 1:00 AM ET Monday morning for basically the same bill that has already failed, just a week shorter.

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Our democracy does come with an owner’s manual, but it needs an appendix

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Our democracy does come with an owner’s manual, but it needs an appendix

The Constitution of the United States of America is not a perfect document. It was never meant to be, as shown by the inclusion of Article V, which allows for amendments. It does however, lay the groundwork for how our government is supposed to function. It outlines how the different branches are supposed to balance each other and provide a check on each other’s powers. The president may be the commander in chief of the armed forces, but Congress retains the right to declare war. Or at least, that is the way it is supposed to work. The Congress can pass laws, but the Supreme Court determines their validity. And only the Executive Branch can enforce them.

But the one thing that our instruction manual lacks is an appendix with troubleshooting tips. Even those who, on principle, refuse to read instructions are generally familiar with the troubleshooting appendix. This is the place we look when the device does not work as intended. Generally, the problem is identified and steps to remedy the most common problems are provided, or an 800 number is given so the consumer can ask for additional help.

Looking at the Constitution, there are no specific instructions on how to handle a sitting president who hopes for a terrorist attack so that his unpopular political  party can win a midterm election.

In private conversations, Trump has told advisers that he doesn’t think the 2018 election has to be as bad as others are predicting. He has referenced the 2002 midterms, when George W. Bush and Republicans fared better after the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks, these people said.

God only knows what kind of October surprise 2018 may bring, but one should be on alert in case Trump’s wish is fulfilled. After what we have seen over the last 12 months, we should not dismiss the possibility of an intentional terror attack. That may sound very Alex Jones-esque, but then again, who would have predicted a president elected with the active assistance of a foreign power?

Speaking of which, nowhere could I find steps one, two, and three to follow when Congress refuses to fill its role as a balance to, or check upon, the Executive Branch. Instead of vigorously pursuing the possibility of Russian interference in the 2016 election in order to ensure it never happens again, Congress is instead investigating the apolitical agency that is in fact investigating such interference. Senators are also recommending criminal charges against a well-respected member of the international intelligence community who uncovered connections between a certain political campaign and an unfriendly foreign power. Alarmed at what he found, he shared his information with American intelligence agencies.

There should be some simple steps that we can take to make our legislative branch do the job that we elected them for. Regardless of political party, they have a job to do. They are not doing it.

Nowhere could I find a remedy for senators who flat out lie to the American people, or the media who report it as breaking news. Illinois Sen. Dick Durbin announced to the press that, during a meeting on immigration, Trump referred to “shithole” countries who send immigrants to the United States. Two Republicans who also attended the meeting said that the president did not use that word. Later, they claimed he said “shithouse,” as if that made any difference. However, our media, protected by the constitution, reported their claims as if they were significant. They were not. Regardless of the term he used, Donald Trump revealed the vile racism that festers at the root of whatever substitutes for his soul. That is what was important, not the words he used to describe it. There is no appendix for the First Amendment, no steps to take when the media uses its protection to sell advertising instead of using it to ensure a well-informed populace.

We need that troubleshooting appendix to deal with the situation that extreme wealth has created, not only in achieving historic levels of inequality, but in controlling the media that is meant to keep us informed. When a wealthy Australian can create a news channel that serves only to lie to the public and willfully keep them misinformed, all while being protected by our Constitution, there should be some steps we could take to correct the situation.

When a sitting president continuously violates the emoluments clause of the Constitution and faces no penalty, and when an attorney general is allowed to retain financial interests in private prison corporations that will benefit from an increase in the population of petty criminals created by that same attorney general, our checks and balances are no longer working properly and need adjustment.

When Cabinet secretaries lie to Congress and perjury charges are warranted but not brought, there should be an entry in the troubleshooting guide that can tell us how to fix that. Or when the Senate refuses to consider a constitutionally-mandated nomination to the Supreme Court, there should be steps we can follow to get the Senate working properly again.

And no, the vote is no longer a remedy. Not when a vote cast in Wyoming is worth 3.6 times more than a vote cast in California. Nor can it serve as a remedy when people in certain states are forced to fufill onerous requirements to obtain a magic identification card that will allegedly protect against voter fraud through impersonation at the polls. This, in a land where only 60 percent of the eligible voters participated in the most recent presidential election. And any election fraud is more likely to be due to foreign intervention, which is completely ignored by the same party so concerned about proper identification.

Nor does the vote do much good when a state is so gerrymandered that a political party can win 48.6 percent of the vote and be rewarded with 60 out of 99 legislative seats. Our “votes” are the crumbs that are thrown to the public to keep us thinking that we are being represented. They are not a remedy.

And we badly need a remedy—a troubleshooting manual for our democracy, which is no longer functioning as intended. It is broken, and we desperately need to find the reset button.

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Federal shutdown shows Trump isn’t in charge of his own White House

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Federal shutdown shows Trump isn’t in charge of his own White House

After a meeting in which Schumer offered up both higher defense spending and funding for Trump’s border wall, the two sides looked, if not close to a deal, close to the outlines of a deal. By the next time Schumer and Trump spoke, it had again turned into a non-starter, Trump having been swayed by efforts from anti-immigrant congressmen and, most notably, his own chief of staff.

Trump called Schumer a few hours later and said he understood there was a deal for a three-week measure to fund the government — the first that Schumer had heard of any such deal, according to one person familiar with the issue. At another point, Kelly called Schumer, telling the Democrat that his immigration proposal was too liberal and would not work for the administration.

There are two things at work here. First, Donald Trump has no core principles of his own when it comes to any of the elements of his would-be government funding plan. From wall funding to defense to CHIP to the fate of child immigrants, he is entirely indifferent to the details.

And second, in the absence of those principles Trump has completely delegated his administration’s positions to his chief of staff, John Kelly, to whichever of his other advisers Kelly most wants Trump to listen to, and to whichever members of Congress have spoken to him last.

It’s not that Donald Trump has a deep insistence on punishing DACA recipients; he doesn’t. He’s repeatedly, albeit abstractly and with zero follow-through, insisted on a “bill of love” or other iterations of an I-actually-have-a-heart stance. When filtered through his chief of staff, however, those pronouncements go away and are replaced with new hardliner stances. It’s not that Donald Trump gives a damn about the once-uncontroversial child healthcare program currently being battled over in the House and Senate; he is told what position to have, and for at least the next few moments has it.

He is a figurehead, and little else. Rather than a consummate deal-maker, he has proven unable to broker even the outlines of a deal because he is unable to control the policy demands of his own staff members.

You can suppose that this is semi-intentional, on his part; that given his own indifference to policy he is utterly reliant on the positions of the hardliners he has surrounded himself with. You could also suppose it is unintentional, and that Trump genuinely wants to be seen as a dealmaking president but is getting regularly played by staff members who are more devoted to forcing the government to follow through on a policy of child deportation than they are devoted to the success or failure of Trump’s own presidency.

In either case, it is this seemingly intractable Trump weakness that poses the danger of a long, potentially very long, shutdown. Even at this point, neither McConnell or Schumer can negotiate with Trump or confine him to a stable, readily identifiable position; the hardline positions of his anti-immigrant staff members are so untenable to both Democrats and Republican moderates, however, as to be a non-starter. We are stuck, because Donald Trump cannot control the demands of his own staff. And we’ll be stuck until Trump’s own staff either successfully sidelines him from the negotiations entirely, thus enabling a consistent (if hardline) position inside the White House, or Trump becomes so enraged by negative news coverage of his dealmaking failures that he sidelines his staff.

The war to fund the government isn’t going on in the House or in the Senate, but between Trump and his own advisers. And it may last a while.

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